Hannah Arendt Quotes - Page 5

• War has become a luxury that only small nations can afford.

  Hannah Arendt

  Peace, War, Women

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• Nuestro problema hoy no es cómo expropiar a los expropiadores sino, más bien, cómo arreglar las cosas para que las masas, desposeídas por la sociedad industrial en los sistemas capitalista y socialista, puedan recuperar la propiedad. Sólo por esta razón, la alternativa entre capitalismo y socialismo es falsa, no sólo porque ninguno de los dos existe de todos modos en estado puro, sino porque tenemos aquí gemelos, cada uno con sombreros diferentes.

  Hannah Arendt

  Wisdom, Different, Alternatives

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• Las promesas son la forma exclusivamente humana de ordenar el futuro, haciéndolo predecible y fiable en la medida en que es humanamente posible.

  Hannah Arendt

  Future, Commitment, Keeping Promises

  Hannah Arendt (1972). “Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution”, p.102, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Poetry, whose material is language, is perhaps the most human and least worldly of the arts, the one in which the end product remains closest to the thought that inspired it.

  Hannah Arendt

  Art, Poetry, Language

  Hannah Arendt, Susannah Young-ah Gottlieb (2007). “Reflections on Literature and Culture”, p.174, Stanford University Press

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• The true dividing line between people is whether they are capable of being in love with their destiny.

  Hannah Arendt

  Being In Love, Destiny, People

  Hannah Arendt (1970). “Men in Dark Times”, p.115, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• The strength of even the strongest individual can always be overpowered by the many, who often will combine for no other purpose than to ruin strength precisely because of its peculiar independence.

  Hannah Arendt

  Strength, Independence, Peculiar

  Hannah Arendt (1970). “On Violence”, p.50, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• La incesante e insensata demanda de erudición original en una serie de campos, en los que ahora sólo es posible la erudición, ha conducido o bien a la pura irrelevancia, al famoso saber cada vez más sobre cada vez menos, o bien al desarrollo de una pseudo erudición que en realidad destruye su objeto.

  Hannah Arendt

  Numbers, Knowing, Development

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• Caution in handling generally accepted opinions that claim to explain whole trends of history is especially important for the historian of modern times, because the last century has produced an abundance of ideologies that pretend to be keys to history but are actually nothing but desperate efforts to escape responsibility.

  Hannah Arendt

  Responsibility, Keys, Effort

  Hannah Arendt (1973). “The Origins of Totalitarianism”, p.53, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Está en la naturaleza de un grupo y de su poder volverse contra la independencia, la propiedad de la fuerza individual.

  Hannah Arendt

  Individual Strength, Independence, Groups

  Hannah Arendt (1970). “On Violence”, p.50, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Sólo el crimen y el criminal, es cierto, nos enfrentan a la perplejidad del mal radical; pero sólo el hipócrita está realmente podrido hasta la médula.

  Hannah Arendt

  Hypocrite, Evil, Hypocrisy

  'On Revolution' (1963) ch. 2

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• Como ciudadanos, debemos prevenir el mal porque está en juego el mundo en el que todos vivimos, malhechor, malhechor y espectador.

  Hannah Arendt

  Diversity, Culture, Citizens

  Hannah Arendt (1981). “The Life of the Mind”, p.198, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• For politics is not like the nursery; in politics obedience and support are the same.

  Hannah Arendt

  Nurse, Support, Nursery

  Hannah Arendt (2006). “Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil”, p.243, Penguin

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• The Third World is not a reality but an ideology.

  Hannah Arendt

  Reality, World, Ideology

  Hannah Arendt (1972). “Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution”, p.219, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• The extreme form of power is All against One, the extreme form of violence is One against All.

  Hannah Arendt

  Power, Violence, Form

  Hannah Arendt (1970). “On Violence”, p.48, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Psychologically speaking, one may say that the hypocrite is too ambitious; not only does he want to appear virtuous before others, he wants to convince himself.

  Hannah Arendt

  Hypocrite, Hypocrisy, Ambitious

  Hannah Arendt (1963). “On revolution”, Viking Press

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• Ningún castigo ha tenido nunca suficiente poder disuasorio para evitar la comisión de delitos.

  Hannah Arendt

  Punishment, Criminals, Crime

  Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil epilogue (1963)

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• Legitimacy, when challenged, bases itself on an appeal to the past, while justification relates to an end that lies in the future. Violence can be justifiable, but it never will be legitimate.

  Hannah Arendt

  Lying, Past, Violence

  Hannah Arendt (1972). “Crises of the Republic: Lying in Politics; Civil Disobedience; On Violence; Thoughts on Politics and Revolution”, p.161, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• No punishment has ever possessed enough power of deterrence to prevent the commission of crimes. On the contrary, whatever the punishment, once a specific crime has appeared for the first time, its reappearance is more likely than its initial emergence could ever have been.

  Hannah Arendt

  Punishment, Criminals, Firsts

  Hannah Arendt (2006). “Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil”, p.238, Penguin

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• La necesidad de la razón no se inspira en la búsqueda de la verdad, sino en la búsqueda del sentido. Y verdad y sentido no son lo mismo. La falacia básica , que prevalece sobre todas las falacias metafísicas específicas, consiste en interpretar el sentido según el modelo de la verdad.

  Hannah Arendt

  Needs, Quests, Inspired

  Hannah Arendt (1981). “The Life of the Mind”, p.31, HMH

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• Ideologies - isms which to the satisfaction of their adherents can explain everything and every occurence by deducing it from a single premise - are a very recent phenomenon ... Not before Hitler and Stalin were the great political potentialities of the ideologies discovered.

  Hannah Arendt

  Political, Isms, Satisfaction

  Hannah Arendt (1966). “The origins of totalitarianism”

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• The emotions I feel are no more meant to be shown in their unadulterated state than the inner organs by which we live.

  Hannah Arendt

  Emotion, States, Feels

  Hannah Arendt (1981). “The Life of the Mind”, p.48, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Que la dialéctica hegeliana proporciona un instrumento maravilloso para tener siempre razón, porque permite interpretar todas las derrotas como el principio de la victoria, es obvio. Uno de los ejemplos más bellos de este tipo de sofistería ocurrió después de 1933, cuando los comunistas alemanes se negaron durante casi dos años a reconocer que la victoria de Hitler había sido una derrota para el Partido Comunista Alemán.

  Hannah Arendt

  Beautiful, Party, Years

  Hannah Arendt (1968). “Totalitarianism: Part Three of The Origins of Totalitarianism”, p.71, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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• Luck serves ... as rationalization for every people that is not master of its own destiny.

  Hannah Arendt

  Destiny, People, Luck

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• You think that you can judge what's good or evil from whether you enjoy doing it or not. You think that evil is what always appears in the form of a temptation, while good is what you never spontaneously want to do. I think this is all total rubbish, if you don't mind my saying so.

  Hannah Arendt

  Thinking, Evil, Judging

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• To expect truth to come from thinking signifies that we mistake the need to think with the urge to know.

  Hannah Arendt

  Error, Pensamiento, Necesidades

  Hannah Arendt (1981). “The Life of the Mind”, p.77, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

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